Wednesday, 27 August 2014

You are history, you are legend:75th Anniversary of the Spanish Civil War


As a young Mancunian socialist and trade unionist I was fascinated by the involvement of women and men from the British labour movement in the Spanish civil war.

Soon before I left Manchester to go to Ruskin College Ruth and Eddie Frow opened the Working Class Movement Library in Salford (in 1987) and this aided the development of my fledgling knowledge both of the background to the war itself, but in particular the contribution played by the International Brigades.

The Library still carries on its vital work of championing the cultural history of the working class, but needs your support: Please also pay a visit to the Marx Memorial library if you too have a fascination with the war in Spain, as this library is a leading international repository:

This is just a brief post to thank the International Brigades Memorial Trust (IBMT) for choosing Ruskin as the host of its 2014 annual general meeting (AGM) on 6th Sept - 2014 marks the 75th anniversary of the war. The AGM is part of a weekend series of events designed in part to raise funds for a permanent memorial (to be unveiled during the weekend) to the women and men of Oxfordshire who fought in the Brigades.

If you can join us in Oxford for these events please do come along:

I had hoped to work closely with Ruskin colleagues Keiron Winters and Paul di Felice on delivering a presentation during the AGM on Ruskin's link to the Brigades, but other workload stopped me from making a full effort in tracking historical material down. And so it has been left to Keiron to unearth some fascinating archival material.

For example, here is a recorded interview with Ruskin student Jim Brewer, a miner from South Wales, who fought in the war:

The title for this post is taken from the famous speech of Dolores Ibárruri, leader of the Communist Party of Spain, given to the Brigades as they assembled to leave Spain in November 1938.

Maxine Peake, herself a patron of the IBMT, delivers the speech in full - one of my most enjoyable YouTube clips. I encourage you to listen to this short video, not least to get some sense of the occasion, and how it must have felt to feel the war concluding, and to reflect on the role of the Brigades:

If you can make the weekend of the IBMT AGM that would be great, but if not perhaps you can make a donation to the work of the IBMT and/or the WCML and MML - all of whom play a phenomenally important part in chronicling and championing the historical political, economic and social lives of working class men and women.

In Solidarity


Thursday, 21 August 2014

We Make Our Own History


Just back from a relaxing, exhausting, exhilarating two weeks in Morroco, with my family.

As a north African country Morocco reflects positive global currents of militant worker/social resistance in the national context of an entrenched colonial-era constitutional monarchy.

As is shown by the ITUC's Global Rights Index for 2014 ( the over weaning powers of the current monarchy, despite putative governmental reform, allows national and multinational companies and corporations to act with impunity in their violation of workers' rights.

Even Danone, a company supposedly operating in part under an international framework agreement, and often reported upon positively by the International Union of Foodworkers (IUF) feels free to operate in a wholly arbitrary, vindictive manner as evidenced by both the Index for 2014 and also the ITUC's sister survey on violations of trade union rights:

How best can we perceive of and analyse arguably contradictory currents of resistance on the one hand and autocratic state/corporate power on the other?

The latest book from Laurence Cox (an impressive writer on Marxism and social movements and who directs the MA in community activism, equality and social activism: and Alf Gunvald Nilsen (also an influential writer on global social movements)) helps to do this, although I do have a concern regarding some assumptions they make.

We Make our own History: Marxism and Social Movements in the Twilight on Neo-Liberalism was released by Pluto Books on 20th August, and follows hot on the heels of their 2013 publication Marxism and Social Movements co-edited with Colin Barker and John Krinsky.

The introduction to the 2013 publication is here ( and is worth a browse as the latest book covers similar themes and pick ups where the prior ends as in essence both books focus on how best to generate a Marxist theory of social movements.

The essential reference point for each book is how best to understand, analyse and translate diverse movements within a coherent framework in order to gauge, for example, whether and how such movements are replicable in diverse contexts.

Both books are, I argue, essential reading for labour and trade union studies students who wish to gain some sense of the historical and contemporary relevance and interrelationship of workplace inspired/based protest/action and wider protest/action/movements for social justice and of oppositional politics.

I am yet to read reviews of the 2014 publication (I don't take much stock of book reviews but read them all the same) but I am generally cautious about the notion of that we are in or approaching a twilight of neo-liberalism.

I cannot fault in anyway the canvas of myriad, collective, global protest and action that Cox and Nilsen paint, however, the forecast of a decline in the factors which coalesce to inform and construct neo-liberal dogma and policy are, if anything, in the ascendancy as a result of austerity-era economic policy.

In this article published soon before the release of the new book there is a convincing argument made for the need to better understand and comprehend an increasingly sustained, integrated body of global protest emanating from the outcome of neo-liberal policy: 

Even the article itself however appears to suggest that the rise in militant action is symptomatic of an increasingly aggressive form of state/corporate power pursued at local, regional and international level. I argue that one is largely reflective of the other, not in any significant sense combating or overcoming the other.

This is not to diminish in anyway the profound importance of such struggle (nor 2013 and 2014 publications - both well worth buying), particularly in the global south, more to caution against an assumption that the fight is nearing an end. I don't see enough evidence of  this.

In Solidarity


Sunday, 3 August 2014

Education as the Practice of Freedom


Just a brief, final post, before I head off on leave before the start of the new academic year.

I was hugely fortunate yesterday to spend a day in the company of a fantastic group of trade union teachers, activists, learning reps and others with a profound interest in adult, worker and trade union education. The event was called to discuss the future of working class education.

And so I must send a sincere thanks to those behind the event, Trade Union Solidarity magazine and Bridgwater Trades Council (particularly Dave Chapple) for organising one of the most thought provoking and engaging events that I have attended recently around this theme. Thanks also to these sisters and brothers for ensuring that Ruskin College was formally invited to speak.

There was some great debate and I was particularly pleased to hear Paulo Freire drawn upon on several occasions by those attending as having influenced their approach to teaching working class adults.  In particular he was cited as informing an approach which inspired formal and informal learning approaches predicated on Freire's notion of education as liberation and the practice of freedom.

I am keen to illustrate the event, rather than provide a narrative, as the images reveal the energy, engagement and insight of the event.

The pictures below are: Bridgwater Trades Council banner, my comrade and brother Mark Everden evidences an ability for manual labour having erected the Somerset Community Defence Campaign banner, examples of the archive of Plebs league material held by Dave Chapple, Dave kicks off the event with a few choice words about the Labour Party (and the left generally) but ultimately underlines the underlying concern around the educational needs of working class children and adults, Carole Valelly (GMB regional organiser) and Andy Newman (GMB Swindon GMB) awarded a vintage labour movement picture for recent successful campaigns), the event is kicked off by trades council chair Vicki Nash with the first panel including Trish Lavelle (CWU) and Marie Hughes (REO South West TUC), the second panel included Nigel Costley (SW TUC Reg. Sec.) who spoke passionately about his own trade union background and importance of language in working class education, I was honoured to join the final round speakers sandwiched between two proper trade unionists Carole Valelly and Becca Kirkpatrick - who now works for Citizens UK followng a long stint as a hugely effective UNISON activist in the West Mids. I was pleased to get the chance to talk about the continuing mission and ethos at Ruskin which centers proudly on the provision of education for working class adults. Final picture is captioned - lost at birth, twins Mark Everden and Peter Martin - found one another again at Bridgwater.

In Solidarity


Sunday, 27 July 2014

Who is a Worker? Creating and sharing comparative knowledge and experience


I had a fantastic opportunity last week (thanks to Mark Everden, TUC Centre Co-ordinator at Ruskin College) to speak to a group of organisers for the National Union of Teachers (NUT) about the background and focus of the MA ILTUS programme.

I always find the opening line of sessions like these difficult, not least as the MA focus is vast; literally anything globally associated with the world of work and its interrelationship (or not) with organised labour.

I am often tempted to kick off these sessions with a sharply challenging question along the lines of, and what exactly are you organising for? I tend to avoid that one now, as on a couple of occasions I have perceived that I have come over as an aged, sarcastic educationalist or have been completely misunderstood, and received earnest replies, suggesting no, apparent sense of the supposed profundity of the question.

Once I get past the ice breaker though I tend to find that most organisers by their very nature are fascinated by a discussion around the comparative difference in organising approaches globally, and one of the discussions I like to generate is that critical difference around who is organised, and by extension, who is worker?

The Continuing Informalisation of Work & Employment
The critical distinction I am working towards from these discussions is the central breach in traditional organising strategy that has broadly polarised approaches in the global north and south. Put simply, in the global north a worker actually is an ‘employee’, someone with statutory and contractual rights, a relatively fixed place of work, and someone with ‘an employer’. Whereas in the global south, the worker in a stricter Marxist sense is anyone who is engaged in an exchange of their labour value, be they street vendor, home worker, and of course this includes those occasionally or permanently outside of this process also but who are markedly part of a working class e.g. subsistence farmers.

The conventional employee occurs in the global south also, however, the nature and extent of the the informal economy is a critical separating factor here. Although, the rapid informalisation of labour markets, and indeed economies, across the global north are introducing (a) sweeping challenges for trades unions as (b) workers are forced to adopt working patterns and living conditions redolent (although of course not exactly the same) of those in the global south.

This distinction, although rapidly blurring through a global informalisation of labour, means that the shape and variety of organising activity between the global north and south, in broad terms, requires comparative analysis in order to understand basic differentiation, but also to encourage a sharing of experience and understanding. No longer is it the case (or that is has never been) that informal patterns of work occur principally occur in distinctly informal economies. The massive rise in the use of agency work and zero hours contracts in the UK alone foretells of distinct change in employment and working practices across liberal market economies (LME).

This urgency, to understand global forces catalysing and accelerating profound change in who works, where work takes place, and of what comprises work is a prime driver in shaping the BA and MA curriculum in international labour and trade union studies (ILTUS) at Ruskin College. Indeed, it is why I argue that we need more education for trade unionists which seeks to build an international, comparative perspective on trade union organising challenge and opportunity. (I’ll be trying to embed this argument in an event I am speaking at next Saturday on the future of workers’ education:

What Trade Unions Might Become
It is the actually the case though, that comparative analysis is actually required across and within all movements in an attempt to understand both constraining and liberating forces of organised labour.
It is not the case, for example, that little or nothing can be learned from the global north. In the UK context community organising strategies and practice move forward positively. 

Read this recent piece of research from Jane Holgate (to whom I send a formal thanks as out-going external examiner of the BA ILTUS at Ruskin) who compares community organising strategy/practice in the UK, US and Australia: Similarly the new edited book from Manny Ness (launched in the UK at a number of venues including Ruskin) on new forms of worker organisation ( illustrates that much can be derived from a global assessment of contemporary movements to revive and reinvigorate syndicalist and autonomist forms of labour movement organisation. 

Maurizio Atzeni will provide the keynote speech to the new MA ILTUS cohort at Ruskin in October, and in his last edited book, Workers and Labour in a Globalised Capitalism (see this great review by Phoebe Moore: brings together a highly cogent body of chapters which illustrate (a) the paucity of conventional approaches of analysing trade unions as ‘actors’ within industrial relations system, (b) the need to locate worker agency in analysis of a neo-liberal globalisation and finally (c) that such analysis must take place at an international level.

Richard Hyman is arguably a sound starting point in helping us understand both why and how such processes of comparative analysis are inherently important, and not from an academic perspective, but for any of those with a profound concern of the future of organised labour.
In this sound, introductory article ( he concludes:

“Our concern as committed researchers is surely not only what trade unions are but what they might become – and how. Our search for comparative understanding, even if impossible, may help build bridges nations and between reality and potential.”

The Struggle for the Rights of Street Vendors
The meeting last week with the NUT organisers was the partial inspiration for this item. For some time though, I have wanted to write a short piece like this supporting an even greater tendency within trade union education to examine and understand global, comparative examples of strategies which (a) seek to improve the economic and social context of workers’ lives and (b) do so under the umbrella of organisations centrally or broadly allied to organised labour.

The specific trigger to write this item was a recent article by a colleague (Sharit Bhowmik) who works at the Tata Institute for the Social Sciences (TISS), who is one of the institutions that comprises the Global Labour University ( of which Ruskin is an associate member.

Sharit’s article must be read in full to appreciate its link with the themes I am advancing here (, but the particular features which need drawing out are:

-       A significant improvement (or at least one which requires further work) in the rights of a marginalised group of workers in the Indian economy, and who actually perform a vital, social role.
-       The critical role played by organisations with distinct labour movement roots and objectives, but who play a wider social and economic role across the India economy, and on behalf of workers in the informal economy – particularly SEWA and NASVI.
-       As a result of the collaborative action between SEWA and NASVI 10 million street vendors will now be afforded protection from harassment and a statutory right to work as a vendor. This is the first such step globally, promises real change in the economic lives of street vendors, their families and the communities where they operate.

If you don’t subscribe to the Global Labour Columns, you should, and can do so here:

One of the benefits of working at Ruskin, and in particular of running the MA ILTUS programme, is having the time and scope to follow national and international developments around worker and labour organisation. In the context of street vendors in particular I was massively impressed with the creation in 2002 of StreetNet as an umbrella body for advocacy and organising activity:

The work of StreetNet (and the recent, allied developments in India) is just one of the reasons that I’ll often say that we must remain incredibly optimistic about the future of organised labour - be that in the form of conventional trade unionism, social movements, autonomist organisation etc. The key issue though is to keep an eye on what is happening globally, to learn the lessons of this, and to prepare to educate, agitate and organise in a new, radically different ways.

There are so many other texts/articles I could have cited here (most drawn from the focus of the MA ILTUS) but I wanted to try and stay focused (maybe I haven’t achieved it) on the simple notion of the essential, critical role of the international dimension in trade union education.

In Solidarity


Sunday, 13 July 2014

Celebrating our Past, Building our Future


Just back from a long, challenging, exhilarating week at Ruskin ending with a really enjoyable weekend of teaching a fine group of trade unionists who started the BA in international labour and trade union studies (ILTUS) in 2010 and are now in the final phase of the programme. They, and other students of the BA and MA ILTUS at Ruskin, represent the very best of the international trade union movement.

Ruskin Radical Research Unit
One of the events that made the week so enjoyable was that the central policy making body of the College formally agreed to adopt a proposal, largely authored by my colleague Fenella Porter (, to support the creation of a major development at the College, the Ruskin Radical Research Unit (RRRU).

The RRRU (yet to be formally launched – but of which I will write when it does, and subsequently) faces an epic (although not unachievable) task of reviving the legacy of Ruskin’s centrally important historical role in contributing to research needs of the British, and wider labour movement.

Trade Union Research Unit
The Trade Union Research Unit (TURU), which is no longer in existence at Ruskin, was created in 1966 by the then Principal John Hughes, along with Sue Hastings (whose research of pensions, pay etc has played an important informative role for the British labour movement) and Denis Gregory and Roy Moore, who I benefited from being taught by when a student at Ruskin. Both Roy and Denis were both prolific researchers and authors in their own right contributing; for example, to the trade union pay negotiations of Fords at the Dagenham and Halewood plants. Denis maintains his research output and held a book launch at Ruskin recently with Maarten Keune and Kea Tijdens of the Amsterdam Institute for Advanced Labour Studies ( to launch their new book:

You can get a good, broad sense of the importance of Ruskin, and TURU, to the work of both the trade union movement and also to the Labour Party, in government and out, during the 60s onwards in this short obituary of John Hughes who sadly passed away in November last year (I blogged on John’s death at the time):

The Fight for Decent Pay
John’s obituary couldn’t possibly do justice to the dynamism of Ruskin’s presence, either centrally or tangentially, to the phenomenal growth in the presence and power of British trade unionism particularly in the 1960s: a central, epochal phase in our movement’s history.

A particularly important aspect of this phase was the fight for an improvement in the economic position of poor workers. This short paper by the well regarded labour economist William Brown helps illustrate the backdrop to the political economy of Britain in the 60-70s, and why key sections of the labour movement were placing pay, and in particularly an advocacy for a minimum wage, as central to their political and workplace bargaining aims:

Central to this positioning around a minimum wage were Alan Fisher (General Secretary) and Bernard Dix (Research Officer) of one of UNISON’s forerunners, the National Union of Public Employees (NUPE), whose members principally in local government, were amongst the lowest paid in the UK. Alan Fisher’s links to Ruskin led to one of our teaching rooms, used principally for the trade union education, being named after him following the refurbishment of Stoke House. In his research role Bernard Dix worked closely with Ruskin also and in particular with the TURU.

Bryn Roberts, NUPE & Low Pay
Central to NUPE’s historical mission (being formed in 1888 as the London County Council Employees’ Protection Society in 1888) was a pivotally important focus on pay. As General Secretary for the longest period in NUPE’s history (from 1934 to 1962) Bryn Roberts made his commitment to improving the pay of NUPE members clear in a speech to the union’s annual conference in 1936:

My mind is set towards the 100,000 membership mark for this Union. My mind is set towards raising the wages and conditions of public employees from the low and capitalistic levels upon which they are now based. 

My mind is set towards creating our own NUPE group of Members of Parliament in order to be on an equal footing with the other Unions within the service

Roberts is often penned as the ‘father of the UK organising;’ as he oversaw as general secretary an increase in membership from 22,000 to 220,000, and this growth was principally of poorly paid workers – largely ignored by other trade unions. Here’s a nice, short piece on Roberts from UNISON Manchester local government branch: A more definitive account of Bryn’s role in the expansion of NUPE, and of the explicit focus on pay is in W.W. Craik’s 1995 publication Bryn Roberts and the National Union of Public Employees.

Low Pay & How to end it
Of course many trade unions placed members’ pay at the heart of the bargaining strategy, but the obstinacy of the low pay issue across the public sector, and in particular in local government, means that NUPE’s role is central to any historical analysis of the trajectory towards the Labour Party’s implementation of the national minimum wage legislation (including the creation of the Low Pay Commission) in 1999.

Alex Callinicos has written a fascinating account of why NUPE remained focused on low pay and poverty, and explores this through the growth of rank and file movements within NUPE, and other unions in the public sector which, he argues, forced the union leadership to act as the General Secretary’s role transited between Roberts and Fisher:

Dix and Fisher published in 1974 the historically important Low Pay and How to End it. As William Brown’s article outlines, the British trade union movement had won hard fought for gains in setting wage minima, and bargaining mechanisms for this, in the form of wage councils. The ’74 publication however, was the first, authoritative advocation for a national minimum wage (NMW).

The fight for the NMW found advocates and opponents not only across British society, but also within the labour movement. Unsurprisingly it was unions liked the Amalgamated Union of Engineering Workers (AUEW – one of UNITE’s forerunners) who were the fiercest critics of the Fisher and Dix NMW proposal, and as is shown by Mary Davis’s excellent, short account ( of the allied movement for equal pay, the reactionary role of segments of the labour movement has to be understood and acknowledged in properly interpreting labour movement history.

Peter Barclay & The NMW
As a result of current rising structural economic inequality an analysis of the movement for the NMW is of acute importance to the contemporary demands for a shift to a living wage. Indeed, a 2007 report for the Work Foundation by David Coats tells us much of how (a) history repeats itself in economic and political terms and (b) a profoundly weakened labour movement finds itself incapable of generating a collective bargaining solution to improved pay.

“A central element of Dix and Fisher’s argument was that the Labour governments of 1964- 70 had missed the opportunity to tackle low pay, poverty and inequality. Simply expressed, the government had capitulated to ‘economic orthodoxy’ and had failed to use a large parliamentary majority to ‘relate its social policies to economic needs and use them as a spearhead to attack the real problems confronting the country’. Thirty-three years on we may view much of this as mostly wishful thinking. Those governments confronted profoundly  difficult economic problems – balance of payments crises, speculative pressure on sterling,  devaluation, and inflation – and it was hardly surprising that what would otherwise have  been high social priorities were given less attention. But even if we accept that the Dix and Fisher critique was a little over-ripe, there was still something to be said for the argument that collective bargaining was failing to protect the low paid and that existing low pay institutions (like wages councils) were increasingly ineffective.” (

I was prompted to write this item not just because of the creation of the RRRU and the legacy of the TURU, but also because of the death on 29th June of Peter Barclay. Barclay was pivotal to maintaining a high-profile focus on social and economic inequality under Thatcher – and from outside of the labour movement. 

In chairing the Joseph Rowntree Foundation Inquiry into Income and Wealth (1995), he was able to bring together the TUC and CBI (and others) in agreeing a set of unanimous recommendations (including that of the NMW) most of which were adopted by the Labour Party, included in the election manifesto for the general election in 1997, and implemented within two years of forming government. Barclay had, in effect, taken the 70’s-based demands of Dix and Fisher and re-fashioned an approach to tackling the residual problems of low pay in a modern age. There is a suitably appreciative obituary of Barclay in this weekend’s Guardian. For anyone interested in how the fight for a NMW was won it is required reading:

It is the ambition that the new research unit at Ruskin can supplement our educational activity in the field of labour and trade union studies, and support the research needs of other programme areas at Ruskin. Undeniably the range of challenges that beset the contemporary British labour movement require acute, critical engagement and analysis, and I truly hope that our new unit can in some way continue Ruskin’s important, historical tradition of aiding the growth and stability of organised labour in the UK and beyond.

In Solidarity


Wednesday, 9 July 2014

An Expression of Solidarity for Striking Public Sector Workers on 10th July

My dear sisters and brothers,

On behalf of many trade union students who have been and will be at Ruskin, and the UCU branch here, I extend a message of solidarity to all those hundreds of thousands of public sector workers on strike tomorrow.

I won't use this message to send a long, unnecessary message, other than to say, when Manny Ness visited Ruskin several weeks ago to launch his new book ( he spoke distinctly about the importance of struggle/action/resistance as a key means by which workers build their experience of the value of collection organisation.

So, although the strike tomorrow is only one part of a long-term struggle for decent pay and social justice, it impact on those workers involved are immense, and help us build a mass movement for further, continued action.

The image below is taken from last general strike in India in 2012, a country which, I argue, sends a message of internal hope for the future of organised labour, as 100 million workers gathered over two days to send a powerful message to workers globally.

In Solidarity


Saturday, 28 June 2014

The Future of Organised Labour: A Time for Analysis & Action


Some places are still available for the MA in international labour & trade union studies (ILTUS) at Ruskin College in Oxford.

The current MA cohort: A fine example of scholar/activists in
Ruskin's historical, radical tradition
The MA ILTUS at Ruskin provides learners (who are typically trade union activists, officers and
others with the same profound interest in issues of social justice globally) with a unique opportunity to pinpoint the major, global challenges facing labour movements, and other, organisations which collectively represent the interests of workers, their families and the communities they are drawn from.

The MA affords learners with an opportunity to critically assess the capacity of such organisations to respond to the range of global challenges, examining the relative strengths and weaknesses of such strategy and action.

This analysis includes those mainstream responses of labour movements in Europe and North America around the theme of renewal and revitalisation strategy.

With Sharan Burrow, centre (Gen Sec of the ITUC), and Tracy Walsh
who heads the ILTUS programme at Ruskin at the start of the ITUC
Congress in Berlin in May, and the 9th Congress of the Global
Labour University (GLU) of which Ruskin is an associate.
We do not however, neglect those more innovative, radical responses, including the many captured in the new book from Manny Ness (, broadly centred on the syndicalist and autonomous traditions, and of course the wave of activity, particularly in the global south, focusing on strategy and activity to organise informal workers, particularly women.

You will have an opportunity to critically examine these responses, and perhaps create your own, through the MA dissertation.

This encourages learners to determine a scope an opportunity for the future of organised labour via research in two or more countries.

The dissertation is no dry, theoretical academic exercise. The MA's focus on praxis challenges learners to consider how they, and their research, can make a genuine, original contribution to the way in which the economic and social well-being, and security of workers can be secured internationally.

I welcome an opportunity to discuss any questions you may have about an application for the new course starting in October this year.

Ruskin College offers a distinctive, radical learning experience in an educational institution which still places excellence in the provision of working class education at the centre of its mission and ethos.

On a recent visit to Ruskin Frances O'Grady, centre
(Gen Sec of UK TUC) refers to Ruskin's role as the 'intellectual
hub of the working class'. Pictured (right) is Caroline Holmes who runs
the BA ILTUS at Ruskin

In the YouTube clip below you can hear directly from past and current MA students on their perspective on the Ruskin experience and of their study on the MA ILTUS.

Below is a detailed online prospectus (which can be downloaded via Issuu) which details practical and logistical issues regarding fees, study periods and the nature and context of the MA curriculum.

Some UK trade unions, and the UK TUC, provide some financial assistance to enrol the MA.I can provide support and guidance in approaching UK and international educational trusts to gain financial support. Although my contact details are in the prospectus and video they are:

email: - telephone: 01865 759653

The MA ILTUS cohort 2010-12 graduate in August 2013: A
day of pride and achievement.