Tuesday, 15 February 2022

Why We Fight: Essays on Fascism, Resistance, and Surviving the Apocalypse

Dear Colleagues,

Whilst there is never enough time to read the vast wealth of relevant, topical material out there, I like to keep an eye for particularly valuable new books to promote.

And so, I came across Shane Burley's new book, Why we Fight, when reading reading the transcript of this podcast from Truthout: https://truthout.org/audio/activists-are-building-a-counterculture-of-care-in-apocalyptic-times/?fbclid=IwAR1veozzduf6NCBG4C44--RtpPfxQ5neE2V33B8OBbW9dFk7O6LtUka6PGE

Whilst 'the fight' for progressive social change is so important to pick apart and understand, why we fight, and particularly in the face of relentless assault, is just as important to stop and reflect upon.

And for left activists in the UK this fight is so difficult and not least in the Trump aftermath - a dominant theme of Burley's book.

You can buy the book here, and here is some promotional blurb.

These essays, many published here for the first time, cover the shifts in rhetoric and tactics of the Alt Right since their disastrous Unite the Right rally in Charlottesville in 2017, and the explosion of antifascist, antiracist, and revolutionary organizing that has risen to fight it. Burley unpacks the moment we live in, confronting the apocalyptic feelings brought on by nationalism, climate collapse, and the crisis of capitalism, but also delivering the clear message that a new world is possible through the struggles communities are leveraging today. Burley reminds us what we're fighting for not simply what we're fighting against.

“No writer is more knowledgeable about the recent politics and culture of fascism and antifascism in the U.S. than Shane Burley. As a journalist, Burley has closely followed local and national struggles against white supremacy. As a theorist, he has helped us to situate the Alt Right and anti-fascism within broader conceptual dynamics. Finally the broad range of his work making sense out of this era of struggle has been gathered together in Why We Fight—an invaluable resource for fighting fascism and imagining a new world in the 21st century.” —Mark Bray, author of Antifa: The Anti-Fascist Handbook

“From the streets of Charlottesville to the bleachers of Major League Soccer, Burley’s Why We Fight is a clear-sighted and utterly compelling collection of stories of fascist creep and organized resistance. Beyond its chronicling of the bumbling and violent rise of white-supremacist groups during the last few years, Burley’s most important lesson is this: Fascism will come for us all if we let it, but we are neither alone nor powerless to fight it. Read this book then give it to a friend and then organize.” —Vegas Tenold, author of Everything You Love Will Burn

In Solidarity

Ian

Friday, 4 February 2022

Eric Hobsbawm Memorial Lecture: Racial Capitalism. What's in a Name?

Dear Colleagues,

One of the (few) benefits of the pandemic is the increased volume of events and activity that you can engage with online. And with this in mind I am keen to promote your attendance at this year's Eric Hobsbawn Memorial Lecture. 


I first came across Hobsbawn at Ruskin College when, as a feckless student, I read The Forward March of Labour ( halted as part of reading list introducing catalysts for the decline of organised labour. I had no grasp before then of the degree to which the movement had, to a degree at least, wrought its demise and, at that point at least, appeared incapable of conjuring its own rejuvenation. That book was a revelation and led me to read what has become my essential reading on the subject of profound change in the composition of the working class and of the institutions arising from it, Farewell to the Working Class by Andre Gorz: https://www.plutobooks.com/9780861043644/farewell-to-the-working-class/

Thereafter, I would often look out for Hobsbawm's other books, and was highly chuffed to find that he was a lover of jazz and had written on this subject also: https://www.faber.co.uk/product/9780571320103-the-jazz-scene/ And so, I was pleased to see some year's ago that his old academic institution Birkbeck hosts an annual memorial lecture.

This year's theme, of racial capitalism, is a great opportunity to step back from events that have unfolded since the resurgence of the Black Lives Matter Movement to better understand the organic relationship between capitalism, imperialism and racism.


You can register for the event here: https://www.bbk.ac.uk/events/remote_event_view?id=26110

And here is some promotional material for the event - I hope you sign up and enjoy the session.

Racial Capitalism. What’s in a Name? 
‘Racial capitalism’ is a term that is being increasingly used in an effort to capture the organic connections between these two interrelated but different systems that continue to dominate the modern world. This talk will argue for the need for temporal and spatial specificities in trying to untangle what constitutes the workings of ‘racial capitalism’. Taking the example of C18 Jamaica it will explore the relation between the plantation economy, the imperial framework within which it operated, constructions of whiteness and hereditary racial slavery. Where, how, and by whom was wealth created?  Who accumulated it? 


Catherine Hall is Emerita Professor of History and Chair of the Centre for the Study of the Legacies of British Slavery at University College London. Her recent work has focused on the relation between Britain and its empire: Civilising Subjects (2002), Macaulay and Son (2012) and Hall et al, Legacies of British Slave-ownership (2014). Between 2009-2015 she was the Principal Investigator on the ESRC/AHRC projects Legacies of British Slave-ownership which aimed to put slavery back into British history. Her new book will be Making Racial Capitalism: Edward Long’s History of Jamaica.  

In Solidarity

Ian

Wednesday, 12 January 2022

The Warehouse: Workers and Robots at Amazon

Dear Colleagues,

Whilst there is a vast, growing literature on political, social, economic and environmental implications of the Amazon 'business model, I was particularly keen to flag Alessandro Delfanti's new book, The Warehouse: Workers and Robots at Amazon. This is because whilst it includes the usual focus on the union-busting and worker surveillance business strategy, it reveals also the way in which Bezos and his acolytes lean heavily on the classic myth (notable particularly in the US) and akin to Trump, Musk et al of the revolutionising, hard-working entrepreneur done-good with no financial support.

This myth of redemption is deployed well to garner significant public support regardless of the significant harm achieved by these new age robber barons.

You can buy the book from Pluto Press here: https://www.plutobooks.com/9780745342177/the-warehouse/

Here is an except from the book.

Besides the jobs, trucks and concrete, what Amazon brought to Piacenza and to the dozens of other suburban areas which host its warehouses is a myth: a promise of modernization, economic development, and even individual emancipation that stems from the “disruptive” nature of a company heavily based on the application of new technology to both consumption and work. It is a promise that assumes that the society in question is willing to entrust such ambitions to the gigantic multinational corporations that design, implement, and possess technology. This myth of digital capitalism is based on a number of elements, including magical origins, heroes, and stories of redemption. Some are by now familiar to everyone: A couple of teenagers tinkering away in a garage can revolutionize or create from scratch an entire industry, generating billions in the process. The garage is an important component of this myth. Here we are not talking about the garages where MXP5 workers park their cars after a ten-hour shift in the warehouse, nor about the garages where Amazon Flex couriers store piles of boxes to be delivered. The innovation garage is the site where individuals unbounded by old habits and funded by venture capital turn simple ideas into marketable digital commodities. Nowhere does this myth run deeper than in California: William Hewlett and David Packard’s Palo Alto backyard shack is listed on the US National Register of Historic Places as “the birthplace of Silicon Valley,” while the garage of Steve Jobs’ parents’ house (where he and Steve Wozniak built the first batch of Apple computers) has been recently designated as a “historical site” by the city of Los Altos. These garages have even been turned into informal museums and receive thousands of visitors a year, some even arriving with organized tour buses. For Californian historian Mario Biagioli, the garage has become an important rhetorical device in contemporary discourses, helping mythify the origins of contemporary innovation. Masculine innovation in particular, since the garage is a strictly male space. Bezos himself started Amazon in a garage, albeit not in California—or so Amazon’s origin myth goes: in 1994 he left his lucrative but dull Wall Street hedge fund job and wrote a business plan while driving cross-country from New York to Seattle, where he used his and his family’s money to start the company.

The myth of the redemption and success of the hero entrepreneur trickles down to the warehouse, insofar as Amazon presents work to its employees through the frame of emancipation. The idea of redemption through work is nothing new. On the contrary, it is a damnation common to modern society. In the early 1960s, militant sociologist Romano Alquati pointed out that the culture of mid-20th century Italian factories included the construction of a “myth” or “cult” of emancipation. In this instance, it was directed at the masses of migrant workers who, following World War II, moved from the rural south to the north of the country to find manufacturing work with the flagship companies of the Italian postwar economic boom, such as FIAT or Olivetti. Redemption from the backwardness of rural life was ensured not only by steady paychecks and the prospect of a pension at the end of the line, but also by participation in technologically advanced production processes—the assembly line of industrial capitalism. Amazon simply repeats and updates such promises. In Italy, for example, Amazon positions itself as an employee-focused company that brings stable employment back to a precarized labor market—a boon to a labor market hit by financial crises, lackluster growth, and lack of opportunities for retraining and upskilling. So Amazon continues a historical trajectory of Italian capitalism, but imports onto the local context novel characteristics borrowed from the American digital corporation model.

Indeed, digital capitalism updates industrial capitalism’s promise of economic and social emancipation with some novel elements of its own. Rather than simply swapping out the assembly line with the robot or the algorithm, the culture of digital capitalism mixes libertarian ideology with entrepreneurial elements. At the core of this myth lies a form of individualism. The combination of new information technologies with free-market dynamics enables emancipatory potential for the entrepreneur. Furthermore, digital capitalist companies state that they exist to change the world, to make people happy, to create value for everyone and not just for investors—technological optimism at its apex. After all, how could you deliver a bad outcome when your first principle is don’t be evil, as Google’s old slogan famously put it.

Amazon extends this old myth to all its workers. Indeed, in corporate documents, the company goes so far as to state that everyone is an “owner” at Amazon. While this is quite literal in the case of engineers and executives who receive shares of the company, it can only be understood at the level of mythology for warehouse workers. A figurative or spiritual commitment to the company’s destiny. Managerial techniques used in the warehouse contribute to building this myth, as associates are asked to have fun at work and help Amazon make history, as one of its corporate slogans goes. The myth brings with it the idea that there is no alternative to digital capitalism. Only co-option, or failure for those who can’t keep up or won’t adapt or submit.

Myths are not just old stories or false beliefs. They are ideas that help us make sense of the world. The myth of digital capitalism itself is not simply fictitious, but instead has very concrete effects. For Big Tech corporations, this myth projects a positive contribution to the world, helping to attract workers and investment, and boost corporate value on financial markets. But it has other concrete effects as well. In different areas of the world, and in different communities, the myth of redemption stemming from participation in high-tech production has impacted economies and cultures. Feminist media studies scholar Lisa Nakamura recounted how, in the 1970s, electronics manufacturers operating on Navajo land in New Mexico justified the employment of Indigenous women. Labor in microchip production was presented as empowering for the crafty and docile Navajo women—assumptions derived from racist stereotyping. Italy is completely different from the Navajo Nation, and yet the idea that an imported version of American digital capitalism can be a force for collective modernization and individual emancipation is alive and well there too. Belief in this myth is evidenced in many different and even contrasting ways. Some bring resources, like the $1.5 billion state-owned venture capital fund launched in 2020 by the Italian government to support start-up companies in the hope they will foster economic growth. Others sell resources off, like when mayors of small towns with high unemployment compete to attract the next Amazon FC, offering the company both farmland newly opened up for development and a local workforce ready to staff the warehouse. Over the years, the mayors of Castel San Giovanni have described the presence of MXP5 as a force of “development” and a source of “pride” for the town. This is not unique to Italy. American mayors are routinely quoted praising the arrival of a new Amazon facility as a “wonderful” or “monumental” thing for their town.

Amazon’s corporate slogans also hedge up its myth. Central is the valorization of disruption—the idea of a hero entrepreneur defeating the gods of the past. Some of the slogans (the so-called Leadership Principles) are repeated time and again and painted everywhere in the warehouse. While Aboutamazon.com, the company’s corporate website, describes them as “more than inspirational wall hangings,” that is exactly what they sound like. Customer obsession is perhaps the most famous one, a slogan that captures the strategic goal of focusing on customers’ needs: the rest (profits, power) will follow. It also signals that workers are by design an afterthought. Other slogans are even more predictable, like Leaders are right a lot or Think big. Amazon’s myth trickles down to fulfillment centers like MXP5 in many ways. Amazon routinely conducts marketing operations aimed at finding new workers, not new customers. Billboards sporting smiling warehouse workers, recruitment events, and glowing articles commissioned by staffing agencies in the local newspaper are common sights in Piacenza, as in the areas surrounding other FCs. Social media multiplies the message. Amazon encourages employees to join its army of “ambassadors”—workers who plaster social media with positive stories about their job or videos in which they happily dance inside the warehouse. Like the FC’s walls, all these practices are soaked with the Leadership Principles: at a recruitment event near Toronto, slogans, such as Fulfilling the customer promise, were projected as part of a slideshow filled with smiling arrow logos, accompanying a presentation of more mundane details like job descriptions or benefits. “Every Amazonian who wants to be a leader,” we were told, should focus on “customer obsession” and “never settle,” and let’s not forget that Amazonians “are right a lot.” The event wrapped up with free pizza.

Please post your reflections on the excerpt.

In solidarity

Ian

Thursday, 6 January 2022

Ten Predictions For the Year Ahead in Labor

Dear Colleagues,

Happy new year!

Whilst browsing a wide range of literature over the Christmas break I read a thoughtful article in the excellent US political magazine In These Times. Their take on the US political landscape, and the specific focus on labor issues, is a consistently helpful guide to what's happening there, but also conjurs up ideas for what may occur in labour movements in the UK and globally.

I particularly welcomed the insight on the ten key predictions for 2022.

Please take a moment to have a read, and post any feedback you have:

https://inthesetimes.com/article/2022-unions-strike-wave-amazon-starbucks-labor

In Solidarity

Ian

Friday, 26 November 2021

International Labour Organization and Global Social Governance

Dear Colleagues,

As the only international, multilaterial agency tasked with specific task of working towards decent work for all those engaged in any form of economic activity, the International Labour Organisation (ILO) is an organisation I pay close attention to.

I have been extremely fortunate to have been able to spend time researching around the work of the ILO (and allied organisations) and teaching around - including having opportunities to take groups of UK trade unionists on study visits to the ILO head offices in Geneva. I have also been fortune to spend time teaching at the ILO's International Training Centre in Turin, Italy.

And, I have had the great honour of working closely with those ILO staff who comprise the staff union, which is a member of the umbrella body for all UN staff unions, the Co-ordinating Committee of International Staff Unions and Associations (CCISUA): https://www.staffunion.org/ccisua


Because of this - and an even broader interest in forms of global social governance - I was very pleased to see that a new book on this issue has been published, and available freely via open access.

International Labour Organisation and Global Social Governance is a critically important opportunity to reflect constructively on the impact of the ILO, which is the UN's oldest agency. I particularly welcome the book's focus on the political diplomacy needed by the ILO to manage the competing priorities of the Global North and South. As the book blurb states:

The book examines the persistent dilemma of balancing the benefits of globalization with the protection of workers. It critically assesses the challenges that emerge when international labour standards are implemented and enforced in highly diverse regulatory frameworks in international, regional, national and local contexts. The book also identifies feasible ways to achieve more inclusive labour protection, putting into perspective the tension between the economic and the social in the ILO’s second century of operation.

Download now and take this excellent opportunity to benefit from this excellent critique. Download the book here: https://library.oapen.org/handle/20.500.12657/42935

In solidarity

Ian

Sunday, 7 November 2021

The Purpose of Power: How to build movements for the 21st Century

Dear Colleagues,

I was honoured to be invited to chair a panel discussion on 9th September with Alicia Garza - co-founder of Black Lives Matter - to discuss her new book, The purpose of power. Although the book is frameworked around her life in the form of biography, it is a powerful insight to the challenges and opportunities of mobilising maginalised and excluded people. 

The event was organised by the Ella Baker School of Organising, of which I am proudly a founder member: https://www.ellabakerorganising.org.uk/

A video of the panel discussion is available here: https://www.facebook.com/ellabakerschooloforganising/

I found the book to be one of the best I have read in a long time on the sheer hard of organising for social justice. And so, the opportunity to interview Alicia was a really priveledged opportunity to hear from her first hand on what drove her towards a life of activism, and what she has learned from it.

Personally speaking, I find her finding that 'hashtags don't make a movement' to be such an instructive point. I tend to find that one of the challenges of organising - particularly amongst younger people - is that social media is the be all and end all of mobilisation.

Just as importantly though is here insistence that class is a key defining means to establish solidarity between all workers, and not least within an economy so brutally exploitative as that in the US.

Here, she says: There are very practical reasons why multiracial movements are vital to building the world we deserve. Segregation by race and class has been used throughout history to maintain power relationships. Segregation, whether through redlining or denying citizenship, helps to create an other, which helps in turn to justify why some people have and other people don't. It reinforces the narratives that make unequal power relationships normal.

I wholeheartedly recommend that you read the book, and that you take the time to read it in parts and reflect on what the key messages mean for you and your work in organising.

In solidarity

Ian

Friday, 13 August 2021

Forging a new global workers’ movement

Dear Colleagues,

I am very pleased to re-produce here an excellent overview article by a colleague Immanuel Ness, that first appeared in the GLU Labour Column. The article provides a sound snapshot of the key themes and thesis of Immanuel's latest book, Organizing Insurgency. You can buy the book here:

https://www.plutobooks.com/9780745343594/organizing-insurgency/

This post re-produces the first section of the article, and provides the link to the remainder.

Organizing Insurgency (2021) argues that the contemporary era of imperialism is marked by the extension of exploitation of Southern workers in core sectors of the economy: agriculture, mining, and industry. Indeed, incidences of protest are expanding in absolute numbers as industrial production shifts to the Global South[1], where 83% of the world’s population of 7.7 billion people reside.  These workers are subjected to far more onerous and dangerous labour conditions than industrial workers in developed countries. In recent years, workers have engaged in mass protests at a higher rate than ever to obtain political power. In the 2010s, mass protests occurred unabated throughout the South, in a range of contexts. The struggles are in large and small factories that have directly disrupted global value chains essential to the production and distribution of goods and services in ‘advanced’ economies.

Second, I contend that workers in the rural and urban informal sectors of the South are firmly integrated into global commodity chains, and that their labour is essential to the maintenance of profit rates worldwide. Profits are extracted from workers in rural regions as well as those who migrate back and forth from rural to urban areas for economic sustenance. Informal workers surrounding major economic centres are major sites of economic contestation between labour and capital. While arable lands are located in regions of the Global North and South, the production of key agricultural commodities such as coffee, cocoa and tropical foodstuffs are in regions where wages are low due to imperialist underdevelopment and where, as a consequence, there is an oversupply of labour.

On a planetary level, urbanization has not reduced the total population of agrarian workers. In fact, the evidence shows that rural labour has expanded in the first two decades of the twenty-first century. Indeed, the agrarian population has continued to grow over the past century, and even over the past 50 years. Population growth in rural regions challenges the dominant narrative generated by the United Nations which focuses on ineluctable urban growth globally. While urban growth is indeed expanding, the rate of rural population growth is also expanding. Concomitantly, mass urbanization over the past century has increased populations in major urban centres, especially in the South. The vast majority of populations in major cities of the South live in abject poverty without basic necessities such as electricity, running water, sanitation, and access to basic services. 

Third, Organizing Insurgency affirms the significance of strong working-class political organization to advance and grow: political and economic representation is crucial to improving the quality of life in the global South and building the power of labour. The Southern countries show that worker unrest and popular social movements are ubiquitous in contemporary neoliberalised capitalism. The size and intensity of protests are expanding today as industrial labour has expanded dramatically from the 1990s to the present. Even as workers engage in mass mobilization, the disconnected nature of protests does not ensure that successful strikes are consolidated to become the basis for the development of socialism, solidarity, and equality. 

Read the rest of the article (or download a PDF) here:

https://globallabourcolumn.org/2021/08/05/forging-a-new-global-workers-movement/

In solidarity

Ian